As what has been the most tumultuous year in politics in recent memory draws to a close, it is time to dish out Parliament’s equivalent of the Oscars—plus some other far less prestigious or sought-after awards.
POLITICIAN OF THE YEAR
Who else but the incumbent Prime Minister of just seven weeks?
Apart from her capital gains tax catastrophe during September’s election campaign, Jacinda Ardern has barely put a foot wrong as she endeavours not just to keep the unwieldy three-party governing arrangement over which she presides on the tracks, but ensure it maintains the momentum to effect real and substantial change, rather than superficial tinkering.
Bill English is the only other contender for the title —unless you think Andrew Little is deserving of such recognition for sacrificing himself for the good of his party.
Ardern’s achievements in such short time dwarfs Little’s willingness to fall on his sword even though the former would not have happened had the latter not occurred.
For his part, English is a hugely capable, vastly intelligent and exceptionally clever politician.
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He performed admirably during the election campaign. In keeping National’s share of the vote above 44 per cent for the fourth straight election, English accomplished something which has been achieved by only one other leader of the National Party.
Sir Sidney Holland did it in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Sir Keith Holyoake fell just short of the mark in the 1960s.
There is a crucial difference between English and Ardern, however. The former is a very down-to-earth political operator—a species that is not uncommon.
Ardern is something much rarer —a political phenomenon of inter-stellar proportions.
Her ascendancy has been the direct result of her being seen —rightly or wrongly — to possess the qualities the public wants to see in a politician, not what political parties or their spin doctors deem to be desirable.
The proof of that was the large surge in financial donations to Labour in the immediate aftermath of her elevation to the party’s leadership. No-one saw that coming.
That Ardern is the creation of the public mood at a particular time makes her vulnerable, however.
Ms Ardern wants him to use the visit as a stop off on the way to look at Kiwis work on climate change in Antarctica.
That mood could suddenly change. If it does, then featuring in Vogue magazine, being interviewed by CNN’s Christiane Amanpour or hobnobbing with Justin Trudeau counts for nothing.
Substance is what ultimately matters. And Ardern is delivering — so far at least.
She is seen to be delivering hope. She is seen to be selling a vision of New Zealand which extends well beyond a few economic indicators pointing in the right direction.
In short, she is spouting what people want to hear.
And her ability to communicate with conviction whether real or feigned has people listening. In contrast, National has been a cracked record.
Mr English accused Labour of intending to raise income tax, after Labour promised to reverse the 2018 tax cuts.
Its answer to everything has been to signal tax cuts.
If those fail to do the trick, National’s predilection is to flag a further round of such reductions down the track.
This simple strategy had worked for National for a very long time. This year’s election witnessed a distinct shift in voter attitudes towards tax cuts, however.
National had long argued that tax cuts and increased social spending were not mutually exclusive.
The rundown in the country’s social infrastructure has now become starkly obvious.
Tax cuts are now seen to come at a price, namely cuts in social services, housing assistance, hospital treatments and so on.
In tandem with this shift is the public cry for modern infrastructure. Voters are hungry for projects such as light rail to Auckland airport.
They are no longer willing for such initiatives to fall victim to Treasury-produced cost-benefit analyses written with purpose of killing them before they have even got onto the drawing board let alone got off it.
Ardern embodies this feeling of liberation.
She embodies a changing of the guard in New Zealand politics which has been disguised in part by the prominence of another phenomenon.
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